INTRODUCTION

South Africa is experiencing a particularly exciting moment. It is important to point out that the US and South Africa have many things in common - most importantly, a commitment to democracy and democratic principles. As one of the first practitioners of democratic values, the US still remains democracy’s principal champion. Over the past year, South Africa has embarked upon a challenging and eventful process of reconciliation that is nothing short of amazing.

It is safe to say that the post-Cold War era has presented the US (and most of the rest of the world) with an improved security environment. There is a range of opportunities at hand to improve this environment even further. But the unitary threat that dominated the Cold War has been replaced by a complex set of other challenges, and the US' strategy for defining and addressing those challenges is still evolving. The US could not afford nor would want to police the world, but it is clear that it must exercise global leadership.

The US remains the world’s premier economic and military power. It is therefore integral to global development, open trade and stable political relations, and as such, must remain engaged. It is known that there is a good deal of sentiment in the US, especially in Congress, that the country should retrench and pull back from the world at large, to take care of its problems at home. But the present administration, including the President himself in his personal capacity, is committed to remain deeply engaged throughout the world, wherever a contribution to stability and prosperity can be made.

There are clear parallels between the US and South Africa. South Africa has embarked on a voyage toward democratic ideals, similar to that of the US more than two centuries ago. South Africa will face similar obstacles and challenges of evolution and adaptation. It will inherit the same types of responsibilities. The world has already turned to South Africa as mediator, as peace maker, as an example to the rest of the continent. These are heavy responsibilities, but just as the US has accepted its responsibilities, South Africa will do so as well. The two countries have become partners in the movement towards justice and freedom.

The US will have to be selective, focusing on those problems that are most relevant to its own interests. This presents a difficult challenge. It can be argued that the American people truly recognise their country’s common interest in world peace, stability and prosperity. They not only support, but indeed demand efforts to alleviate humanitarian tragedies, support for democracies, and efforts at conflict prevention abroad. And in a democracy "the choices are the people’s." Again, South African will also have to meet these challenges.

AFRICA

In sub-Saharan Africa the paradox of promising and perilous post-Cold War trends may be sharper than in any other region in the World. Movements toward political pluralism, the development of market economies, and the end of Soviet and Cuban military interventions have provided a new source of hope for the continent. At the same time, state collapse, political corruption, economic malaise and ethnic conflict threaten to eradicate these new opportunities.

Against the backdrop of these contradictory trends, US humanitarian and political interests in Africa are significant, economic interests limited, and security interests minimal. Yet, despite the absence of vital national security interests, the US employed its military forces in limited forms in Africa over the past few years. In particular, it evacuated American citizens on an emergency basis from Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Liberia (twice); it deployed soldiers to Somalia to end the tragic humanitarian disaster; it provided emergency relief assistance for Rwanda refugees; and most recently, it provided a rear guard for UNOSOM’s withdrawal from Somalia. These experiences continue to reinforce the belief that the US must retain the capacity to employ its military forces in Africa in the case of unpredictable events.

Nevertheless, it is equally important to reiterate that the US cannot and should not seek to assume a leading role in the resolution of Africa’s many conflicts. Instead, the country seeks to pursue a regional defence strategy - a strategy that aims at empowering African states and organisations with a capability to achieve the political and economic growth necessary for long term stability.

The past decade has been a time of dramatic change in Africa. Democratisation, economic progress, and an improved security situation have in many cases proved mutually reinforcing. With encouragement and support from the US and others, democratic transitions have made remarkable progress. Perhaps most remarkable of all, Nelson Mandela has gone from prisoner to President in South Africa, in a democratic transition more peaceful and orderly than most thought possible. Inevitably, there will at times be setbacks to democratisation in Africa, but the movement towards democracy is broader and deeper than in the past. In many cases, economic progress is creating conditions conducive to the long term success of democratisation.

Worrisome (and often mutually-reinforcing) trends are also pervasive in Africa and could harm US interests as well as African development. These trends include economic failure, rising conflicts, and authoritarian or failed states. Economic growth in the region as a whole is limited: in some cases per capita GDP has fallen drastically since independence. Economic decline exacerbates ethnic and social tensions and contributes to the spread of anti-democratic movements, including extremist versions of political Islam. In some African states, military organisations are in disarray as they search for post-Cold War roles, providing potential obstacles to democratisation. Population pressures, environmental degradation, flows of refugees and illegal immigrants, arms and narcotics trafficking, and diseases such as AIDS, pose additional problems for African development. While arms flows to Africa have slowed somewhat, arms often remain in circulation even after conflicts have ended thus creating the opportunity for future violence. All of these factors inhibit progress and make the pursuit of US goals more difficult.

The end of the Cold War has accelerated the development of new approaches in the formulation of foreign policy. The Department of Defence has focused on a "new security agenda" which addresses US goals of supporting democratisation and human rights, nurturing regional security arrangements and conflict resolution, providing humanitarian assistance to alleviate suffering, and encouraging economic and social development. It has developed and is developing forward looking strategies and policies that support efforts to attain those goals.

These efforts have paid dividends. In 1994, soon after US involvement in humanitarian efforts in Rwanda began, the situation improved dramatically. Similarly, the humanitarian dimension of efforts in Somalia was successful. The US with its allies, is bolstering the peacekeeping and conflict resolution capabilities of the Organisation for African Unity and individual African states. By empowering Africans to take charge of the destiny of their continent, the US will help to promote a democratic, secure, and more prosperous Africa.

Helping to empower Africans in these times of limited resources will require that the US, the international community and Africans themselves search for innovative and creative ways to attack these serious problems. A premium must be placed on co-operation, avoiding duplication of efforts, and an effective understanding of comparative advantage by potential contributors. Most importantly, it must be recognised that conflict resolution and economic progress cannot be imposed from outside the continent: Africans themselves must take the lead.

The Department of Defence is using its capabilities and expertise to help create and nurture an "enabling environment" that is conducive to democratisation, human rights, conflict resolution, and economic and social prosperity. With humanitarian and conflict resolution assistance, an environment can be created that is conducive to the development of democratic ideals. By developing close and professional military-to-military relationships, the US can share its own notions of discipline, professionalism and perhaps most importantly, the role of a military in a democracy and civilian control of the military establishment, with African militaries.

It is also important to recognise the limitations in America’s ability to influence events on the continent. Again, the true solutions to the dilemmas facing sub-Saharan Africa must come from within. But Africans will need assistance as they struggle with their difficult challenges. The US will remain engaged in the region, providing help when and where it can.

South African / US military-to-military relationship

What is the US’ interest in South Africa? It is to help ensure that South Africa’s grand experiment succeeds, as its own did over 200 years ago. Only South Africans can chart the uneven road ahead. But the US wants to help wherever it can and South Africa wants it to. This has already entailed the normalisation of a host of relationships: political, economic, social, technological, and academic.

The US has been presented with a tremendous opportunity for the two basic reasons already mentioned: the strategic chessboard of the Cold War has been smashed and apartheid has become a subject of the past. This has left the country free to pursue a fruitful, co-operative military relationship on its own merits, merits that are considerable. South Africa has the strongest and most professional military in sub-Saharan Africa. Efforts to make this military more broadly representative and reflective of society are laudable and efforts to implement the principle of effective civilian control of the professional force are also strongly supported. The Americans have strong beliefs in this particular area. South Africa’s military has been undergoing a realignment to meet new circumstances. It has already found and will continue to find the US prepared to share its experience of similar transitions.

It goes without saying that South Africa itself must decide which lessons are important. The US does not profess to understand the context of South Africa’s deliberations completely, but is ready to help in areas where it is able to assist. Many years ago a young US stubbornly chose its own path to democracy and South Africa will no doubt do the same. But the US will remain a willing partner.

US security interests in Africa

From a military perspective the US’ strategic interests in Africa are indeed modest. Its military presence and activities throughout the continent reflect these modest interests. It has no permanent or significant presence anywhere in Africa: there are no US military bases and no permanently based naval ships in Africa. The overwhelming majority of American military personnel in Africa are defence attachés, security assistance staff personnel, and Marines who provide security for US embassies.

Even the range of activities in Africa is very modest. For the most part, they focus on vigorous bilateral exercise and training programmes, occasional ship visits, and mobile training teams. Although limited, these activities are also comprehensive. For example: